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JAH RAS TAFARIAutobiographie of H.I.M. HAILE SELASSIE 1er |
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l'autobiographie de HIM (CHAPTER 1 & 2) l'autobiographie de
sa majesté impériale Hailé Sélassié I
livre dont je suis en possession
et qui apporte une lumière essentielle sur les motivations de sa majesté
lors de l'agression de l'Ethiopie par l'Italie faciste de Mussolini.
joras
REPRODUCTION DE LA COUVERTURE
DE L'EDITION EN MA POSSESSION
Préface This second volume covers the history of Our struggle from the time We presented Ethiopia's appeal to the League of Nations in Geneva on Sene 23, 1928 [June 30, 1936], through the period when We returned to Ethiopia and began to be involved in the continuing modernization of Our country, up to the signing of a treaty with Our friend and ally, the British government, on Ter 23, 1934 (Jan 31,1942]. It describes the war of politics We waged, and the severe personal trials and difficulties that We encountered during Our exile in Britain. ln addition, it explains, more or less, to what extent the correspondence We had with Our patriots contributed to Our struggle. Nine months after the beginning of World War II, We saw the dawn of Our freedom approaching, and We left Britain for the Sudan at the end of Sene 1932 [June 1940], to drive the enemy out of Our country. Described in this book are the details of how We gathered together Our exiled loyal citizens to support Our effort and spent six months organizing Our milllary forces in collaboration with the British; and how We entered Ethiopia and, with the help of Our ally, launched a campaign, broke the forces of the enemy, gained victory and restored freedom. After the defeat of the enemy and Our retum to the capital, We encountered some intricate problems with the British authorities in East Africa. However, without losing patience and hope, We persevered through the problems , We faced, above all placing Our confidence in God and His fair Judgement, Our steadfast struggle eventually bore fruit, and We emerged victorious Even so, Our conscience has never been diverted by self-glorification and hypocrisy from believing that this victory was God's provision. To recapitulate...when We appealed to the Geneva assembly and reminded the nations of the world that, "If Europe considers the matter as if it were over, it has to take into account the fate that awaits itself," not a few people saw [our plea] as a trivial matter. Nevertheless, when the righteous Judge stood up to dispense Justice, each government regretted the result that befell it. The world also witnessed the limits of the power of all aggressors.
Halle Sellassie 1 King of Kings
THE DEBATE AND THE RESOLUTION AT GENEVA
-MUSSOLINI'S SPEECH AGAINST THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATlONS
-THE DECISION TO MAKE OUR RESIDENCE AT BATH-
-THE ADMINISTRATION OF OUR GOVERNMENT FROM GORE
We were present at the sixteenth general assembly of the League of Nations of Sene 23, 1928 [June 30, 1936], to explain the fascist invasion of Our country and the atrocities perpetrated on the people.
The next day Sene 24th [July 1], while the assembly continued its deliberations, all the small nations that had placed confidence in the protection the League was supposed to provide, were displeased at the backsliding exhibited in the treatment of Ethiopia's case, and sorne delegates openly criticized the League for deserting its fundamental objective.
The Swedish envoy detailed the failure the League suffered as the result of i'ts inability to save Ethiopia and présented the opinion of the Swedish public.
The Iris envoy, Mr. de Valera, on his part, expressed his bitter grief.
The envoy of New Zealand, Sir James Parr, voiced his painful feelings of despair, proposed placing heavy sanctions on Italy, and explained at length New Zealand's readiness to go along with other members of the League in this respect, should the majority decide as such.
The Chinese envoy, Dr. Wellington Koo, pointed out that the League helped foment the present crisis because it had refrained from condemning Japan.
The Iranian envoy also indicated that no treaty could be operational unless a spirit of truth prevailed in the assembly.
The Spanish envoy added that it was not the weakness of the Covenant per se that had failed to save Ethiopia; (it) was good in and of itself. What proved to be bad was, he exclaimed, the means adopted to enforce the covenant.
The Soviet envoy Monsieur Maxim Litvinov" criticized the League for failing to impose sanctions soon after Ethiopia and Italy found themselves in conflict [and] before the situation escalated into serious trouble. He added that a few countries had imposed the proposed sanctions, but with no visible result. Since the League had earned the confidence of even- non-member countries, had the sanctions been strong from the outset, any aggressor would have been deterred. However, the handling of the sanctions was not comprehensive enough, and created the present problem. He reminded all member countries that, even now, in view of Article 16, they should realize the obligations by which they were bound and, beyond imposing sanctions, should provide military assistance.
The South African envoy, Mr. Charles Te Water stressed that: "the sanctions which were imposed on the aggressor state should not be lifted" and ,stated that it was not enough to pass resolutions conceming the relations between governments. We should be able to demonstrate our courage by translating them into practice. If...we violate the resolutions we pass and do not put them into practice, "would not It be better for the member countries to glve up their collective efforts altogether,"he added.,
The Canadian envoy Mr, Vincent Massey stated that Canada had imposed the proposed sanctions on Italy.,.but suggested that the economic sanctions be lifted since they were not strong enough, and since their continuation would not be of any value in bringing about the desired result. The Austrian envoy, Mr. Emeric Pflügl, the arch-supporter of the fascist government said, " ltaly is a country inspired by the principles of the League; it is also the herald of the sanctified good news of civilization" The Hungarian envoy voiced similar collaborative opinions. The economic sanctions bore' no fruit because Britain and France feared that [strict imposition] would spur Italy into joining Hitler, the man who had armed Nazi Germany and who had begun harrassing European democracies. Thus, the economic sanctions were imposed half-heartedly and timidly. One peculiar problem was that, if England used its navy to impose an oil embargo, such .an action was presumed to lead to misunderstandings with America over the freedom of sea traffic. For this and other reasons, it remained impossible to stop Italy's aggression. We, on Our part, prepared two draft resolutions to be presented by Our delegates to the assembly, and delivered them to the General Secretary of the League via the leader of our delegation, Dejazmatch Nasibu Zamanuel: - Ist If a country were to be subdued and occupled by force of arms, let not the government of the occupier be recognized; - 2nd. Since in accordance with article 16 of the Charter of the League of Nations, Ethiopia was entitled' to receive assistance, let the assembly, in consultation with the finance committee of the League, and in agreement with the capacity which the Ethiopian government claims to have, support and approve a loan of ten million pounds to Uthiopia under the guarantee of the member states. That same day the French envoy presented a draft resolution containing such ideas as lifting the economic sanctions and accepting the annexation of Ethiopia to Italy as "a fait accompli". The next morning these resolutions were presented to the general assembly [which,] without discussion or objection, upon the recommendation of the president, referred the matter to a committee which was scheduled to meet in the evening. Àfter the committee had deliberated, the communique which came out the next moming disclosed that the suggestions of the French envoy had been criticized by the small nations, and, since the sentence which ostensibly recognized Ethiopia's annexation by Italy weakened article 16, modification was suggested. The committee did not complete its assignment and was instructed to meet on Saturday, Sene 27 [July 4] at 9 AM., [shortly before] the Generai Assembly was scheduled to meet at 2 P.M" Our envoys opposed the tight schedule in order to avoid hasty decisions. According to the standing regulations of the assembly, notice should have been given before any decision was to be taken. As We leamed from our delegates, a decislon was made to call upon each country to vote on the recommendation submitted to the delegates, and it was felt that all were inclined to betray Ethiopla...On the issue of lifting the sanctions, MexIco opposed the details of the draft resolutlon and walked out of the meeting The countries present...were called...in alphabetical order to cast their votes...forty-four...voted in support of the lifting of the sanctions, Ethiopia opposed, and four countries abstained. The president of the committee announced that the proposal of the general committee, ie. that Ethiopia already had been annexed to Italy, was rejected owing to lack of support. Then he reported that the ten million pounds loan that We requested had been voted upon, and twenty-three countries opposed, one country supported, and twenty-five countries abstained. The first Geneva judgment ended in thls manner, and the next meeting was scheduled for September 21, 1936
Mussolini on his part, gave the following long speech about the sanctions that had been imposed on Italy:
"The fact that the whole world conspired against italy was an irrational act. And there is something that those who live in Britain should know. That is the fact that the so-called League of Nations is an empty and defunct machine when it cormes to the dispute between Ethiopia and Italy.Italy's glorious deed will be recorded only when the dispute between italy and Ethiopia is settled outside the confusion of the League of Nations. I have dismantled the government of Ethiopia. The representatives of a vanquished country should not be present in the Geneva assembly. We have not forgotten that the League levied an unprecedented punishment on the iIalian people. We will not forget it in the future. It [the League] intended to decimate the people, the households, and children by starvation. It also attempted in vain to obstruct the efforts of our military, which was on a civilizing mission. It did not succeed, however...[since] the League.. was confronted by the formidable unity of the Italian people, which is ready to sacrifice anything and is able to fight even against fifty-two countries. Hereafter, it should not be necessary to involve the League of Nations in the remaining political efforts to bring peace. ln 1935 A.D. we concluded an agreement with France. While an expansion of the agreement along the path of genuine friendship was being considered, the issue of sanctions came about. We were a bit disappointed at the sanctions. When this happened the winter was just beginning. The winter passed. Spring came. Our victory came with the spring. Yet the sanctions remained strictly in force. Two months after we entered Addis Abeba, the sanctions were still in force. France was still referring to the old records of the League and continued to believe that the previous government of the Lion of Judah was alive. However, except in the records of the League, the truth is that, due to our victory, the emperor's government has expired." I leave the reader to Judge what the consequences of Mussolini's threat might have entailed, had not God, in His kindness, changed the situation. At the time the possibility for peace hinged upon the guarantee of Collective Security as provided in the regulations and procedures of the League. Mussolini however, invaded Ethiopia and began to jeer at and insult the League of Nations, saying its charter and procedures were useless pieces of paper and that the League was a worthless forum for bickering. As the result of these abusive and inflammatory words, many countries began to shiver visibly.
After this, We retumed to London from Geneva. We received the necessary assistance from the people and authorities of England who showed Us hospitality during Our hard times ....Deciding to make Our residence at Bath, We bought a house called Fairfield and, with renewed vigor, continued Our struggle.
A number of English people provided Us with sound friendship. in Our diplomatie struggle by condemning the aggressor. Even earlier, in 1928 E.C. [1935-36], when Pierre Laval [then the French premier] made a clandestine agreement with Mussolini on matters which...involved Ethiopia. they had expressed their friendship. It is a matter of recent memory that many English people rejected the idea which the former British foreign Secretary Samuel Hoare proposed with Laval to stop the war, because they thought the terms were not only favorable and rewarding for the aggressor, but also supportive of the atrocities it had perpetrated. Later, the majority of the people did not hold back from supporting and sympathizing with Us in our struggle.
Initially, an organization named the "Abyssinia Association" was set up and began functioning to make financial contributions to Ethiopian refugees in order to help them in their daily needs. Under the editorship of Mrs. Sylvia Pankhurst, a weekly newspaper entitled New Times and Ethiopia News was established and published every Saturday. This newspaper helped Us loudly to voice Ethiopia's woes and to capture a worldwide audience; its service was so great that We would never forget the good deeds of Mrs. Sylvia Pankhurst.
When We went to England and lived there, We relied on God and counted on the assistance of the English people and did not need any protector for Our life. Our faith in God was firm, and Our belief remained certain that one day, in His righteous judgement, He would bestow victory on Us. Although We were the leader of 15 million people, to achieve the goal of Our mission, We used to appear in various places where many people were gathered to explain about the yoke of misery that had fallen on my country and people.
While, on the one hand, We were doing things such as this, on the other hand, We had to transmit instructions to Ethiopia regarding the administration of Our govemment. When We left Ethiopia, We had ordered Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik to go to Gore to maintain order and to manage the work of Our government, and he had already started his work. After We reached England. however, on learning that Ras Imru was in Gore, We appointed him as Our chief representative and commander of the army, and Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik as Prime Minister to lead the country, and sent the following instruction to both of them.
To Ras Imru:
As We informed you in our previous letter, if We, in God's provision, secure money and arms, We believe that Our objectives will be rehabilitated. Nevertheless, at all times, be it during peace or war, as a leader is necessary in Western Ethiopia and in the lands not yet occupied by the Italians, you will be Our chief representative and commander of the army. We authorize you to use the revenue from the area according to your discretion, and let the proclamation be announced soon and the work be started immediately. Set up the twelve ministries [of government] to start the work. To assist you in this work, Fitawrari Tafesse [Habte Mikail], Kenyazmatch Belhu, Azaj Kebbedde, and Ato Daba Biru have been sent out. Assign people like Gerazmatch Mesfin Kelemewor [and] Blata Deressa to be in charge of the ministries. This is only a suggestion because We do not have the list of ail the noblemen and the workers currently with you, so do whatever seems useful to you. However, let Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik be the Prime Minister and lead the work. We have sent a similar letter to him.
Hamle 12, 1928 A.D. [July 19, 1936)
To Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik: As We informed you in detail in the other letter We had written you, We have made a point to be present at the September assembly [of the League of Nations), and have begun preparations to secure arms and loans from Europe. ln Western Ethiopia, which the enemy has not yet occupied, We have ordered Ras Imru to be Our chief representative, and you to take up the work of the Prime Minister, and together with him do whatever is in your capacity for the liberation of Ethiopia, for our flag, and our religion; and envisage ways in which the enemy may be stricken and Ethiopia's independence restored. Hamle 12, 1928 A.D. [July 19, 1936)
What was in Our mind was to be present at the League of Nations assembly, which was to be held in the month of September to speak about Ethiopia; then, after securing arms and financial assistance, proceed to join Our army at Gore to continue the struggle. Thus, We sent Our messengers, Fekade Sellassie Herui, Our Lord Chamberlain Kenyazmatch Belhu Degefu, the sons of Azaj Workineh, Benyamin and Yoseph, to hand over Our message to Ras Imru and others. Fekade Sellassie Herui came back to Us with their reply and later returned to Gore. The rest remained there We wanted Ras Getachew Abate with Ato Ephraim Tewoldemedhin, to enter Ethiopia through Gambela and join Our army; we gave him [the ras] a passport and money and he left. However, he remained in Cairo for a while, making all sorts of excuses, and eventually deserted Us and defected to the Italian side. Although greatly disappointed, Our trusty Ato Ephraim, however, retumed to Us and resumed his service.
A PRESS CONFERENCE HELD AT BATH
--THE BROADCAST WE MADE ON RADIO TO THE PEOPLE OF THE WORLD
--OUR CONVERSATION WITH THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY
More than the war, it was actually Fascist propaganda that subdued the conscience of Europeans. Designed to misinform the public, it alleged that Ethiopia had accepted the enemy's overlordship--an assertion which We consistently refuted. ln the month of July of the same year [1936], We granted a press conference to Sylvia Pankhurst. We used the occasion to counter the allegation mentioned earlier and to explain the real situation in the country. To listeners and to all those who follow developments in Ethiopia, We reported the following:
If I had no trust in the League of Nations, but above all, if I was not faithful to my country, I would have found it expedient to accept whatever [Italy] offered me. I had no wish to betray the confidence entrusted to me by the Ethiopian people, nor did I want to jeopardize their well-being. I rejected whatever gifts, material benefits or political positions that were offered to me to enhance my personal well-being." My faith lies in the justness and power of the Almighty God.
I have had twenty years of experience with which to realize what it means to be a leader of a nation and commander of an army.
On the basis of such knowledge and experience, the man I personally appointed to lead the country is Ras Imru. Now, at a time when I am not inside the country, I consider his presence in Ethiopia as my own presence. I came [to Europe] with a mission..[which] has not yet been fulfilled. I have the duty to take back with me to Ethiopia something tangible. By retuming to Ethiopia empty handed, and without the
necessary assistance for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the country, I would shatter the hopes and aspirations of my people.
Without arms and ammunition it is impossible to conduct a patriotic, or any other type, of war. A general or anybody who has been in a position of leadership should accept this as fact.
The difficulty that derived from being technically backward is [also] a problem to reckon with. ln addition, the mountainous nature of the country's topography has created communication problems. Such a situation has made the availability of radio stations absolutely essential for the prosecution of'the war. .
Fascist propaganda misinformed and confused world opinion We, on Our part, therefore left no stone untumed and spared no effort from presenting Ethiopia's true position and wishes. On Pagume 3, 1928, ie, on Tuesday, September 8, 1936, We made the following address to the international community from Our Legation in London:
HIM suite(Chap. 3 & 4)
A PROPOSAL T0 EXPEL ETHIOPIA FROM THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS -THE DEATH OF DEJAZMATCH NASIBU ZAMANUEL --RELATIONS WITII OUR AUTHORITIES AT GORE -- THE DEFENCE WE MADE AGAINST THE DIPLOMATIC PROBLEM THAT RESULTED FROM THE OCCUPATION OF WESTERN ETHIOPIA --THE READINESS OF SOME COUNTRIES T0 RECOGNIZE THE OCCUPATION OF ETHIOPIA -- THE OBJECTION OF THE SWISS GOVERNMENT T0 OUR REQUEST T0 RESIDE THERE
As if the blood they spilled in Ethiopia was not enough, the Italians were working to get Ethiopia expelled from the League of Nations...Knowing that the issue...would be raised at the Geneva assembly of Meskerem 1929 [September 1936], We left London for Geneva on Monday, Meskerem 12, 1929 [September 20, 1936], accompanied by Ras Kassa, Ato Wolde Giorgis Wolde Yohannes, Ato Taddesse Meshesha, Dr. [Jacovus] Zervos and Abba Hanna'o Azaj Workineh had left earlier with the report to be presented at the assembly, and spent the week working on it with Ato Lorenzo Taezaz. First of all, on Meskerem 13 [Sept. 23, 1936] the assembly decided that the Credentials Committee should study the controversial matter as to whether or not Ethiopia had the right to be in the assembly. On the same day, a [sub]committee comprised of six countries was composed and started its deliberations. Italy was not at the assembly. The French lawyer whom we had assigned to discuss Ethiopia's membership on our behalf had been prohibited by...[his] govemment from attending the meeting and was absent. On our part we prepared and presented a document to the committee explaining that we had transferred our govemment to Gore...[from where it] was being directed...on Our behalf in accordance with instructions...received from Us by telegrams and letters. Italy and her supporters put forward a suggestion that no country should retain its membership after its capital city had been occupied. On the other hand they presented a forged document which purported [to show] that the people of Ethiopia had contentedly accepted Italy's governorship. The committee, after a long discussion based on the evidence submitted by both sides, resolved to accept Ethiopia's envoys and presented its decision to assembly accepted the decision and forwarded it for a vote; out of forty-nine envoys, thirty-nine supported Ethiopia, four objected, and six abstained; and, as a result, a decision was made...[permitting Us] to send envoys to the assembly. The countries which opposed Ethiopia were Austria, Hungary, Albania, and Ecuador. The six countries which abstained were Bulgaria, Panama, Portugal, Siam, Switzerland and Venezuela...The main points presented by the Credentials committee to the assembly were the following: 1st. [As decided] by a previous authority, Ethiopia's representatives had the right to be at the assembly meeting. 2nd. Thereafter conditions changed. It was now difficult to ascertain whether or not the previous recognition app!ied to the present administration...[in Gore], or whether or not the emperor could effectively exercise his authority. 3rd. No member of the committee questioned the legality of Ethiopia's membership and its conformity with the regulations. Rather, there was sorme discussion within the committee conceming the question of its acceptability [as a sovereign authority]. 4th. The committee cancelled as useless the motion that the case be presented to the Hague court, since its decision would not be ready for the present meeting. 5th. The committee unanimously agreed on the adequacy of Ethiopia's credentials and that its delegates should attend the meeting. 6th. the committee's recommendations concemed the present meeting and did not hold for future ones.
Our friends, who were happy at this decision, came over to the hotel where we were staying to congratulate Us and express their heart-felt love to Us and Our envoys. We also felt that We had surmounted one big hurdle in retaining Our membership seat in the League, although Our initial objective of acquiring mi!itary equipment and a loan of money had failed. . . *
We retumed to London and continued to !ive in Bath. There we heard the death of Our faithful servant Dejazmatch Nasibu Zamanuel on Tikimt 6, 1929 [Oct. 16, 1936] in Davos...Switzerland while undergoing treatment, and [We] stayed at home to moum him. Immediately We sent Our Foreign Minister Blatengeta Hemi Wolde Sellassie to Switzerland to attend the funeral. Our friends expressed their sympathy to Us by holding a public gathering in the Chesterfield salon on Tuesday, Tikimt 10 [Oct 20], praying in commemoration, standing for a moment of silence and making speeches of condolence. Among them were people such as Professor [Herbert Stanley] Jevons and Sir George Paish, the founders of the Abyssinia Association.
* . *
Because the letters and telegram messages of Our patriots were not reaching Us in a timely way, we found it very difficult to make known the situation in Ethiopia in order to win the favor of world public opinion. However, We continued to receive some written documents that assisted in Our struggle, directly or indirectly. At a time when fascist propaganda flooded the whole world, We received a telegram from Bitwoded Wolde Sadik and Ras Imru [which] We passed on to the Secretary General of the League of Nations. The words of the telegram were as follows:
To His Excellency Monsieur Joseph Avenol, General Secretary of the League of Nations, Geneva. ln reference to the correspondence we made regarding the acceptance of the delegates of Ethiopia at the assembly, We ask you to communicate the following words to ail member countries. Those whom We authorized to administer Our imperial territory in Our absence have sent Us the following appeal to be forwarded to the League of Nations.
Haile Sellassie Emperor Gambela, October 16, 1936We have received your Majesty's telegram of October 4th {Meskerem 26J. Having confidence in the League, the imperiaI government has been accomplishing its dulies peacefully and diligently, and. indeed. it does have Western Ethiopia under its control. Meanwhile, we have learnt that the invading Italians, wilhout having any compassion, have sworn to terrorize and literally annihilate the Ethiopian people by using planes and to destroy the government resident in Western Ethiopia A huge mililary force has started its way towards here. Without adequate money and armament, we cannot resist the power of the enemy. Should the peaceful and freedom loving people who have fully trusted the League be left to total destruction at the hands of the atrocious invader? The blood of our suffering people is crying out for justice to the Almighty God and to the League of Nations. We believe that our lamentations will be heard.' We'beg Your Majesty to request the League to view the struggle of Ethiopia wilh a clear conscience and extend its help. We earnestly request Your Majesty once again to appeal to the League.Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik Ras lmru
The Italians occupied Gore in the middle of Hidar 1929 [Nov. 1936], and continued to be successful both politically and militarily. The province of Gore was very close to the Sudanese border, and it was an opportune moment for Italy to make her presence felt and to threaten British authorities. Italy's political advantage appeared to block the chances We had to present Our case at the League, since Our claim was that We had moved the seat of Our govemment to Gore and continued to administer from there through Our representatives. Besides this, sorne of Our officiais lost hope and submitted to the Italians. Our top military leaders were killed, and Ras Imru was captured. Politicians in Rome tended to believe that the occupation of Gore would tempt London, Paris and Geneva [to] speed up the recognition of Italy's suzerainty over Ethiopia. Their predictions came true..and many countries gradually ratified Italy's overlordship. Germany and Italy were in the vanguard to do so. When Italy recognized the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, Japan in turn recognized Italy's occupation of Ethiopia. Thus the two vanguard invaders, Japan in China and Italy in Ethiopia, became mutual supporters. Speaking of these diplomatie maneuvers, Italian politicians confirmed that Japan had been motivated to convert its legation in Addis Abeba to a consulate and to recognize Italy's government of Ethiopia, above all, to expand its trade to...Africa. Likewise, they indicated that Rome's decision to locate a consulategeneral in the Manchurian capital was the culmination of Italian interest in the "Far East," the development of which she had been keenly following for some time. Italy had hoped that the fate of Japan would be resolved in conjunction with the situation in Europe. Rome and Tokyo were always at loggerheads, as if giving truth to the myth that yellow and white people would never get along. Later, however, finding a common ground in the issue we mentioned above, they were. able to put aside thelr mutual suspicions. Following a conference in' Vienna between Italy, Austria and Bulgaria, We heard in November 1936, that Austria and Hungary had repudiated Ethiopia's independence and recognized Italy's occupation. Objecting to this hasty measure taken against Us, we sent the following message to the League of Nations through the Secretary General Mr. Avenol: Peace be with you. 1 sincerely plead with you to make the followmg known to members of the League. ln October 1935, when the government of ltaly began invading the land of Ethiopia, the League of Nations and its council announced that a member of the League had been invaded and issued a communique referring to article 10 of the charter which reads 'to respect and safeguard the boundaries of mem bers of the League in an event of external assault' ln luly 1936, the general assem bly stated that it would not recognize any kind of occupation effected through the use of force. Now, in .v)glation of the Covenant and the ~ecision of the League of Nations, Austria and Hungary have announced their recognition of the aggressor as the imperial government of Ethiopia. 1 denounee the governments of Austria and Hungary for violating laws of international relations and commltting a crime Once again, 1 reassert that Ethiopia has an irrevocablc right to membcrship in the League of Nations. 1 also state that my people and government arc fully confident that they [will] regain our eountr)'s integrity and political independcncc. 1 await God's judgement that the rule of force will perish as a result of its own destructive actions. [ wou Id like to rem ind each member of the League that, according to article 10 of the League's charter, each member has promised to live in harmony and mutual respect, and that each member has the responsibility to ab ide by its promise No principle would relieve an invader of the responsibility it has once entercd into. ln a time when, due to the ltalian invasion, the rclationship between countries based on mternational law and mutual trust has vanished, the hope hinging on certam princip les and leadership in Europc has faded, [and] war appears to be the loglcal consequence, each mem ber of the League has to be obliged not to surrender to force nor recognize the countries occupied by force. Abov'e ail, what should be clear about Ethiopla is that the count~. was occupied brutally by looting, killing and terrorizing the people. Haile Sellassie 1 Herui Wolde Sellassie Emperor Minister of Foreign Affairs
While the struggle in the political front was going on as such, We heard that the King of Belgium, the Queen of the Netherlands, the Kings of Sweden and Denmark as well as the Duke of Luxembourg and the President of Finland, were almost ready to recognize Italy's occupation, and sent each one of them the following telegram: I was aggrieved to learn that the signatories of the Oslo agreement...are considering recognizing italy's occupation. Although the League of Nations was not able to stop the aggressor, it is beyond all doubt that its refusaI to recognize the conquest and the claims of the invader has contributed in some ways to peace. The people of Ethiopia are still struggling against an alien government. On behalf of my people I would like to remind your government to abide by the intemational laws which it has always respected. The Signatories of the Oslo Agreement failed to agree on a proposal sponsored by the Netherlands government which called for a meeting with France and Britain in order to discuss and eventually to recognize Italy's claim to Ethiopia. In reply to Our telegram and in reference to this, the King of Norway His Majesty Haakon notified Us that he had not complied with the Dutch govemment's proposaI. Also, the Queen of Holland, Her Majesty Wilhdmina, sent Us a telegram expressing that her country maintains diplomatic relations with Italy because, in princlple, it has an interest in association with powerful govemments and seeks cooperation with its neighbors. She claimed, however, to have no intention of recognizing Italy's daim over Ethiopia. Nevertheless, after a little while all [the Oslo signatories] had entered into an obligation gradually to recognize Italy's claim over Ethiopia Those countries who refused to recognlze ltaly's occupation [and] respected Ethiopian lndependence and the legitimacy of Our authority were: lst; the govemment of the United States of America; 2nd, the govemment of the Republic of Mexico; 3rd, the govemment of the Soviet Union; 4th, the govemment of the New Zealand Union; 5th, the government of the Republic of China. Apart from these, all of the European and Asian countries one after the other recognized Italy's occupation.
The Swiss government, which was host to the League of Nations, rejected Our request to reside in Switzerland..We did not want to magnify the issue because We thought that [the decision] was the result of the current crisis. However, when it seemed that the situation had reached a stage where Ethiopia's independence would be destroyed by [those] approving Italy's suzerainty, in a letter written on Tir 12, 1929 [Jan. 20, 1937], We made known to the League that the same Swiss government which willingly permitted the League to make its headquarters in Geneva, now used a heavy rod to strike people [already] suffering fromthe agony of martyrdom. Believing that it would be convenient to pursue Our case at the League if we resided in Switzerland, We submitted Our request to the Swiss government. Through its Minister in Paris, it was communicated to Us that the Swiss government had rejected Our request, because the government needed to foster good neighborliness and peaceful coexistence, avoiding conflict. Moreover, the foreign minister Monsieur [Guiseppe] Motta, who was ethnically Italian and had been in the position for no less than twenty years, believed that a great crisis would be created if We resided in Switzerland. This person had often expressed in every possible way his friendly attitude towards Italy. Subsequently, the Federal Council of the Republic of Helvetia, breaking all international agreements, decided to recognize Italy's suzerainty over Ethiopia. As if the Ethiopian Consulate based in Bern had never existed before, a letter signed by Monsieur Motta effectively blocked its functions.
CHAPTER IV ABOUT THE ATROCITIES INFLICTED ON OUR PEOPLE --OUR MESSAGE TO CHURCHES --THE SUPPORT GIVEN TO US BY NATIVES OF AFRICA LIVING lN AMERICA--OUR APPEAL TO THE GENEVA ASSEMBLY.
While Our people who were living outside the regions not yet controlled by the enemy were struggling to protect their freedom, it was clear that the majority of the population living within the occupied territories did not wholeheartedly accept the government of the aggressor The Italians, being the only source of news for the outside world regarding the situation in Ethiopia, hid its reality from the rest of the world That was an impediment to Us. Nonetheless, without losing hope, We were working hard, using every possible means to bring the issue of Our country to the Geneva assembly and to the attention of the world by appearing at a number of meetings. Following each development in Our country, and explaining them in detail to whomever We met [and] through the unceasing diplomatie activities We undertook, We were able to win over many people. Though We were disheartened by rumors that the British government was prepared to recognize Italy's occupation, Our knowledge of the fact that sorne Englishmen would still sympathize with Us remained a great source of comfort to Us. During Our secluded life, We often heard about the atrocities committed against Our people. Their sufferings increased the weight of Our sadness and made Us nervous. As the result, We endured many sleepless nights. We heard that, in December of 1936 [Tahsas 1929], the Italians killed the sons of Prince Ras Kassa, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen Dejazmatch Aberra,and Dejazmatch Asfa Wossen, that they captured Ras Imru in February [1937], and that Ras Desta Demtew and Dejazmatch Beyene Merid were captured and killed. Dejazmatch Gebre Mariarn died in battle, and especially We were bitterly disheartened on hearing about the merciless carnage of the people of Addis Abeba on account of the attempted assassination of Graziani on February 19, 1937 [Yekatit 12, 1929], when a bomb was thrown at him. We sent the following message to all churches: The whole world knows the bad luck that befell Ethiopia while she was a member of the League of Nations, in which I had placed full confidence. I asked time and again that the League's obligation and agreements be honored, but, until now, no aid has been given to my people. Yet I will not lose hope about the return of my country's independence because I believe that in the end, God's judgment will eventually visit the weak and the mighty alike, according to what each deserves...Until such a time I will toil patiently for the benefit of my people. . I trust that the members of the World Council of Churches have the ability to pressure the aggressor and ease the problems that have confronted my people, who are now working to stop the atrocities being inflicted on them through acts of war. To that effect, I submit this appeal to the World Council of Churches. The world has already been saddened by the news of the massacre of Many thousands of the people of Addis Abeba in retaliation for the bomb thrown at General Graziani in February. Such an atrocity and blood letting, which should not have taken place during this epoch, was a deliberate and premeditated act. All entrances the city were cIosed and all those who attempted to escape were annihilated... This brutal crime is the worst...of the various atrocious acts for which Italian authorities are responsible. Besides the massacre mentioned above, I believe that the Italian government is responsible for the following barbaric acts: 1st. Although Italian soldiers have killed Many thousands of men, women and children at different times and places, they have gone unpunished for it. 2nd. People of different towns and villages have been arrested and beaten to death on the pretext that Ethiopian soldiers were nearby. The most vicious of such acts is the recent...[execution] of 600 peasants in Nakamte. 3rd. At various times several thousands of people were summarily kilIed for allegedly possessing arms and assisting banditry. 4th. The torture of prisoners [and] burning at the stake those who defied Italian authority... 5th. The beating of Ras Desta and other military officers after capture. 6th. The transfer of unmarried women and those women whose husbands have disappeared to concentration camps as prostitutes... Besides what has been listed above, there have been committed a number of sacrilegious acts... against the religion and the spiritual practices of my people...[and] of the Ethiopian church. These are stated below: !st. Priests and mullahs were among the Ethiopians who were surrounded and murdered after the attempted assassination of General Qraziani. 2nd. Relatives were' denied the bodies of those killed during the February massacre and could not perform Christian funeral rites; rather they [Italians] stacked the bodies and burned them like waste. 3rd. the deliberate arson of the St. George Church in Addis Abeba and other churches. -- 4th. the public. execution of Bishop Petros in Addis Abeba last July because of his refusaI to submit to the Italians and to excommunicate those Ethiopians who refused to surrender... 5th. the transport to Rome of an ancient and historic obelisk which a previous emperor erected 1600 years ago. All these and other atrocious acts too numerous to list here, have been committed at will by a government which, in the name of civilization, defeated my country with the use of a poison gas. After having gallantly resisted the enemy, my people grew weary and were vanquished. They became objects of the enemy's vengeance and of the satisfaction of its whim. The majority of the military officers died. As happened several times, many others were beaten to death after being captured. These actions were done in violation of the rights of prisoners of war. I beseech the leaders and members of the World Council of Churches to denounce the iniquities perpetrated on my people. I aIso solicit your prayers for the ending of the despicable atrocities being committed on the orders and silent consent of the Italian govemment. The horrifying crimes done against Our people by the fascist italians, beyond surprising the world, motivated many of Our friends to join Us in Our struggle. As it turns out, a genuine friend is tested in times of crisis, and the heavy challenge We encountered has enabled Us to distinguish between a friend and foe. We cannot afford passing without mentioning the substantial support and political agitation which millions of Americans, particularly black Americans, have made. There was a big organization named "Union of African Natives Association" founded to help Ethiopia. The organization established a newspaper called The Voice of Ethiopia and granted Us substantial support. The followlng instances explain the types of support this organization had given Us.
[1] To His Majesty Haile Sellassie I Fairfield, Bath EngIand We black Americans express to Your Majesty our sympathy at the recent audacious massacre of the loyal people of Ethiopia and pray for your majesty's well-being and Ethiopia's victory.
P. M. H. Savory, M.D.," Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Union of African Natives Association
[2] February 4, 1937 To the President of the United States The White House Washington D.C. Dear Your Excellency the President, ln connection with the streamlined massacre of Ethiopians as the result of the bombing incident in Addis Abeba, the executive committee of the Union of African Natives Association, after holding an emergency meeting, has instructed me to send you a telegram as you are the president of 13 million black Americans, to request you to be involved in the matter in person so that you may preclude similar massacres of Ethiopians from happening again. Respectfully,
P. M' H. Savory, M.D.,
Chairman of the Executive Committee.of the Union of the African Natives Association
[3] To the President of the United States The White House Washington D. C. Dear Your Excellency the President, ln the presence of ail its members, the conference of the Union of African Natives Association has decided and given instructions to send this telegram to Your Excellency. Under the pretext of the bombing incident in Addis Abeba the fascist govemment has detained about two thousand Ethiopians under a state of emergency with the intention of exterminating them. We beseech you to use your office which has earned you worldwide popularity for your im partial attitude and your well-known sense of justice, to oppose the fascist government, if not in the name of the United States of America, then as a personal act. Up to now 1400 people have been killed. While such barbaric acts are being committed by the brutal regime, the rest of the world has remained a passive and bewildered spectator. Sa far no word of opposition has been heard. Although all of us are citizens of America, we feel strongly and pitifully about what is being done to the people of the continent whence our ancestors came. We solicit Your Excellency's support because of the fact that we have such a close relationship and racial affiliation, and knowing that there has never been an American president as compassionate and as benevolent in attitude toward mankind as Your Excellency. Since we have great confidence in Your Excellency, we believe that it may restrain the fascist government if you send some kind of message to the ltalian ambassador in Washington. We wouId like to bring to your attention that the black race has shown or has been enabled to show remarkable progress during your administration. ...we have shown that blacks have souls and minds like everybody else and have worked with those who have free and good attitudes toward mankind. When one section of mankind destroys the othe'r, it is not unusual for the Union of African Natives Association, the social body which represents all our people ranging from minors to seniors, to submit this appeal... We, the thirteen million Black Americans, wholeheartedly believe that Your Excellency is the only one who can save the lives of 2,000 innocent people who have been condemned to death for a crime they have not committed. We wou Id like to express to Your Excellency that all churches are praying for the well-being and long life of Your Excellency. Respectfully, . William Lloyd Imes 0.0., president,"
The Union of African Natives Association [4] To the Lord of Canterbury, Lord Archbishop, London, England Pax Vobiscum: Thousands of believers meeting in different places under the sponsorship of the Union of African Natives Association condemn the brutal act of the Italian fascists for spilling in vain the blood of Ethiopian Christians who are fighting a just war for the independence of their country. The association also expresses its deepest regret over your silence as a tepresentative and Vicar of Christ while heinous crimes are being inflicted on Ethiopia. . Respectfully, William Lloyd Imes D.D.., president, Union of African Natives Association.
[5] To the Prime Minister of Britain, 10 Downing Street, London, England.
Dear Excellency, It is obvious that the people of Ethiopia, who are loyal to their emperor and comprise 14 million of Africa's population, are in a dangerous situation. This happened as a consequence of the reprisais which ensued after a bomb was thrown at Graziani. The news from Rome and Addis Abeba holds that the fascist plan is to exterminate the Ethiopians altogether. We were deeply disheartened at this. 14,000 people were shot dead in cold blood. Your Excellency is aware of the situation. Many thousands of church members congregated in different places by the Union of African Natives Association have condemned the fascist brutalities and resolved in favor of the dispatch of this telegram. We appeal in the name of God and for the sake of humanity to world public opinion to stop the fascists from their brutal killings of the Christian people of Ethiopia. We appeal to youf/excellency, in particular, to ail your opposition to the wanton extermination of a people who are heroically fighting to safeguard the independence of their country. To continue to inflict incessant and brazen crimes against black people is an obstacle to world peace and progress. We appeal to you to be prepared time and again to help and save Ethiopians. Please earn the immortal gratitude of the natives of Africa during this times of darkness and agony. Respectfully, William Lloyd Imes D.D.., president, Union African Natives Association. * . .--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
We cited a few of these letters as examples in order to remember those to whom We were indebted, even though many others took part in Our struggle. On Thursday March 16, 1937 [Megabit 9,1929] the dean of Winchester Church in England offered a prayer of commemoration in Our presence in order to express his sympathy to Us. ln his pray ers he mentioned the names of our fallen nobles in the following order Fitawrari Alemayehu Goshu killed at Wel Wel, Dejazmatch Afework Woldesemait of the Ogaden, Ras Mulugeta Yigezu, Dejazmatch Wondirad Difabachew, Fitawrari Ashenafi, Azaj Beyene Serawitu,Dejazmatch Mengesha Vilma, Bitwoded Makonnen Demisew, Dejazmatch Beyene Wondimagegnehu, Dejazmatch Meshesha Wolde, Dejazmatch Balcha Safo, Abuna Petros, Dejazmatch Fikremariam, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen Kassa, Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa, Dejazmatch Asfa Wossen Kassa, Dejazmatch Gebre Mariam Gari, Dejazmatch Beyene Merid, and Ras Desta Damtew. He also Damtew. He also raised in prayer the names of John Melly, Gerald Burgoyneand Everett Colson, who, though non-belligerants, lost their lives while helping Ethiopia. . We subsequently felt that it was our duty to protest the Yekatit 12 massacre, whether or not the Geneva assembly gave (my statement) due consideration:
The Lion of Judah Haile Sellassie 1 Elect of God, Emperor of Ethiopia
His Excellency Monsieur Joseph Avenol General Secretary of the League of Nations Geneva I ask Your Excellency's good offices to pass the following to all members of the League of Nations. First . ln violation of the Covenant of the League of Nations, from the pitiful day on which barbarous Italy invaded my country...the ill-fated people of Ethiopia have suffered from countless atrocities...brutality and misery. Today, those who died in battle are luckier than those who are suffering from recurrent torture at the hands of the brutal enemy.As the result of Our deep sorrow, I appealed to the League of Nations and to the whole world about our misery and despair. Nevertheless, until now our voices have not been heard. The nations have blocked their ears to our lamentations...However, hope has not vanished from our hearts. Had you been aware of the brutalities of our attackers, you would have given us a fair judgment. Today, the invader has doubled its barbarie acts. Outraged by the prolonged opposition...the Italian government aggressively has continued its brutal policy of exterminating a people who depended on the promise of the charter to protect their freedom and to gain the good will of the world; and, who believed that international agreements would be respected. I have not cited individual acts of brutality. I have restrained myself from accusing anybody without having undeniable and concrete evidence, preferring to verify what I have heard. Second. I present my case to the League of Nations and to the whole world about three savage acts committed in Addis Abeba and its vicinity in February 1937. These...comprised:Isl. the merciless executions of Ras Desta, Dejazmatch Beyene and thousands of other nobles, who were killed after being captured in the battlefield.2nd. the three-day massacre of Many thousands of people following the assassination attempt on Marshal Graziani.3rd. A London newspaper has estimated at 6,000 the number of Ethiopian people who were deliberately massacred. Permit me to attest that the number reported to me is much higher than this estimate. All these atrocities were done in violation of the international rules...governing warfare on land as defined in the fourth section of The Hague Treaty of 1907 about conventional warfare. The signatories of the Hague treaty, out of their enthusiasm for supporting the ever expanding obligations of modernization and the concomitant interest of mankind, resolved..clearly to spell out...and specify the laws (regarding warfare). Consequently, along with the customs of the civilized nations, natural human laws and according to the pressure of world public conscience, they declared that all people and belligerent nations should be governed by international law.
Third. The nobles who were captured on the battlefield were killed...immediately. This constitutes an unjust execution which violates article four of the Hague treaty of 1907. Prisoners of war are in the custody of the enemy government and are not the property of the men or soldiers who captured them. Other than the money, weapons, horses and documents given them for military purposes, prisoners should retain all personal articles. They.deserve to be treated in a humane and compassionate way.Article three of the treaty forbids the execution or wounding of .an enemy who has surrendered and has rendered himself defenseless by handing over his weapons. These punishments were premeditated acts of atrocity. The government in Rome did all of these in public in order to confirm its policy of the politics of terror. ln December 1936 the three sons of Ras Kassa, Dejazmatch Aberra, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen and Dejazmatch Asfa Wossen were killed in coId blood so as to terrorize the Ethiopian people. These nobles were entitled to the fair and compassionate treatment which the Hague treaty and civilized nations granted ,to any fighter exposed to such situations as a result of war. Fourth. On the day an assassination was attempted on Graziani's life, an instruction was issued by the ItaIian authorities to...carry out horrible acts of extermination. Many Ethiopians were killed without investigation or trial. This was a measure of revenge taken against innocent people and was by no means a lawful act of punishment. Italian military force encircled the area of the incident. All Ethiopians found therein were killed. Among those killed were Many Christian and Muslim leaders.
Fifth. From the day of the incident onwards Italian authorities embarked on a plan of terror and summary executions which lasted three days. Aided by armed civilians, soldiers...were ordered to kill all Ethiopian men, women and children. I have evidence of this horrifying and ugly act. Carrying rifles, pistols, grenades, knives and clubs distributed for this purpose, "black shirt" soldiers and workers went through the city's districts killing whomever they found, including women and children. Others, who carried flame throwers, burned down thatch-roofed and other houses, killing all those who tried to escape. These atrocities were not done amid the riot of battlefield fighting [but]...were done..on the orders and with the full knowledge of Italian authorities, Those who were sacrificed were not armed men. They were innocent men, women and children, whom the occupying country, Italy, in accordance with international law, should have protected, The massacre of February 1937 will leave on the Italian aggressors a [stigma of] perpetuai shame.
Sixth. These are some of the brutal deeds committed against the ill-fated Ethiopian people. On behalf of my people who suffered from this wicked assault and the ensuing sadness, I submit my case to the League of Nations and the entire world.
Dear members of the League, you are aware of the plague that has befallen my people. Is there not anything that you can do to stop .the- destruction of humanity? Do you remember your promise to the Ethiopian people, which I am asking you to honor today? Will you simply sit back and watch while defenseless people are being wiped out? Can you remain indifferent to the heinous brutality which has befallen my people and has dragged Europe into horrible Misery, while its perpetrator is planning new barbarisms? Are you going to forget us forever? What kind of crime have we committed that led you to reject us? Was your conscience not moved when' we' were experiencing all these trials? , I hereby request' that a special commission be formed to investigate and report the brutal crimes that the 'government of Italy has perpetrated on Ethiopia. Written at Bath on March 25, 1937 [Megabit 6, 1929]. Haile Sellassie 1 Herui Wolde Sellassie Emperor Minister of Foreign Affairs
HIM suite(Chap. 5 & 6)
CHAPTER 5 OUR LIFE AT BATH AND THE CHAPEL WE SET UP AT THE FAIRFIELD RESIDENCE . Many people used to visit Us at Our home called Fairfield. The house had many rooms and was chilly. The view through its front windows always reminded Us of the hills of Harer. We never went to the theater or any other place of entertainment. Our only recreation was the time We spent chatting with Our children. We stayed awake late in the night reading books and writing the history of Our life. The books We read mostly included diplomatic histories and the biographies of patriotic leaders such as Napoleon, Abraham Lincoln and...[works] about the Christian church. Our life in Bath was very hard. We had financial problems. The media had reported that We had taken enough money when We left Our country, but it was completely untrue. The fact that We were in serious financial trouble in those days was an obvious fact. Hoping that We would soon retum to Our country with the help of the League of Nations, We took an amount We thought was sufficient for a certain period of time, and even that was soon finished as We used it to help the exiles. When We first arrived in England, a British film company had invited Us to take part in a film called "Flight by Night," but We refused. The Texas Centennial Exhibition offered 100,000 dollars if We were prepared to appear in their show for two weeks and an additional 50,000 dollars if the show was extended to a month. Although We were aware that this would have helped Us with the problems We were facing then, We did not accept the proposal. A private association headed by an Englishman called Sir Norman Angell was organized to help the Ethiopian exiles and had assisted Us greatly by forming a fund raising committee. Even though the aid was insufficient to aid Our devastated country, it did help Our exiled people. ln particular We remember the 100,000 dollar donation of the British Red Cross Assoclationto Our refugees. The money We invested in the British Cable and Wireless Company, hoping to use it when the need arose, and all the money We should have received from different sources, was blocked. We asked the Cable and Wireless company mentioned above for the money We had deposited while We were in Our country, but the company refused to pay Us back on the pretext that Ethiopia was under Italy's control and the situation remained uncertain. We consequently hired a lawyer and sued the company. The [courts] made Us wait for many months to hear the decision, only to tell Us that the money would be given neither to Us nor the company, but instead would remain in the hands of the British government until the case between Us and Italy was settled. Since We were the ones who sued, We were made to pay all the court fees. We appealed, but the matter remained undecided. Nevertheless, many right-minded Englishmen made contributions to Us and Our exiles so that We could persevere. ln particular the organization established under the name "Abyssinia Society" worked hard at [fund-raising].
This organization prepared and sent around a written memorandum to coordinate all those who wanted to help Ethiopia:
We call the attention of our readers to the fund appeal for the Emperor of Ethiopia set up some weeks earlier. The imperor is a true Christian and a great man. His patience and pride during times of triaL.deserve the honor and appreciation of all people. The Emperor is the personification of a heavily oppressed people who trusted the League of Nations and the British government in particular.
The emperor's people were exterminated by the Italians, and his country was occupied Currently, while the Emperor is exhausting himself opposing the occupation, the British government is prepared to renounce the intemational status of his country because of its interests in Europe.
The Emperor's money and income have been plundered by the Italians...[and] his money in Europe has been exhausted in [pursuing] a lawsuit. If Italy's claims are recognized, the money will be transferred to the Italian govemment. The Emperor has a number of former officials who have placed their trust in him. ln addition, he has his family with him. ln the midst of all these troubles he faces financial problems. Therefore, in order to keep alive the political interests of his country and to cope with the heavy responsibility of supporting his staff and dependents, he hereby requests his friends in this country to extend their help and encouragement.
The Abyssinia Society, by permission of the Emperor, has opened the 'Ethiopian Emperor's Fund', and those who want to express their sympathy [and] support [by making] a contribution, can send it to this...fund. All gifts should be sent to the Abyssinia Society office and cheques made payable to the Ethiopian Emperor's Appeal Fund We used the money obtained in this way for Our own support and for those of the exiles in London, Jerusalem, and Egypt. We thus, more or less, maintained a meager existence. --------------------------------------------------------------
When We were in Addis Abeba, We had the practice of rising early in the morning at 5:00 A.M. to go to church for prayer. Since there was no Orthodox Church or chapel at Fairfield, where We could go and pray to God, the practice was discontinued, although in a time of stress, We should have strengthened Our habit of prayer. After suffering a great deal from not having a Chapel, we sent [on Jan. 20, 1937] the following letter to Etchege Gebre Giorgis in Jerusalem. To His Holiness Etchege Gebre Giorgis. How are you? Thanks be to God We are weil. So far We have been thinking of you. We, on our side, have the intention to attend the assembly [of the League] in person if they permit Us, but if they do not, We will send Our delegation since this is vital to Our objective. Finding it necessary to follow the matter from here, We have decided to stay...in England, and wait for the judgement of Our Creator to resolve Ethiopia's crisis. Until the grace of God permits and bids Us farewell to come to Jerusalem, so that We may overcome the problems of worship that We have encountered, and so that Our growing children do not go astray from the foundation of Our religion, I have sent Abba Hanna to you so that he may return with one tabot, five monks, the things necessary for the worship services and a Bible. Discuss the matter with Aleka Gerimal and have the things sent to Us before the beginning of Lent. There might be a need to send priests to those exiled in foreign lands. While awaiting further instructions from Us, select monks who are willing to minister to the exiles. Accordingly, the monks sent to Us from Jerusalem, Abba Gebre lyesus, Abba Gebre Mariam, Abba Haile Bruke * and Abba Marcos [Agazh yellew], arrived in Bath on Miazia 21 [April 28], with the Tabot of the Saviour of the World. The tabot was taken to the prepared gallery on Sunday, Miazia 24 [May 1], and it was consecrated on Easter day according to Our country's customs. From that time on, We practiced Our church's rituals...in accordance with Our Tradition.
Note de l'éditeur * Haile Sellassie charged him to bring the Tabot of Medhane Alem to Bath from Addis Abeba, where he helped Abba Hanna to establish the Church of Medhane Alem in Exile. Already ill from tuberculosis, Abba Haile's condition worsened, and, in 1947, he went for trealment to Harer's TB sanitarium, where he died. His body was retumed to Addis Abeba for a burial attended by the imperial family in the graveyard at Medhane Alem Kechenay.( Interview with Amanuel Abraham, Addis Abeba, 9 November 1992; interview with Dejaz, Zewde Gebre Sellassie, Addis Abeba, 11 November 1992; Church of Medhane Alem, File N. l, "Personnel," p. 29. I wish to thank Deacon Abebe Tessema of Medhane Alem Church for his courtesy and cooperation.)
THE MESSAGE WE SENT TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON THE B.B.C. While We were in England We befriended many people and in December 1937, on Christmas day, received more than I,OOO...1etters and many Christmas greeting cards from America. The Americans asked Us to make a radio speechin order to identify Our supporters and thank them all. Thus, with Ato Wolde Giorgis Wolde Yohannes and Ato Ephraim Tewolde Medhin, We left Paddington Station by taxi for the B.B.C. studios. On Our way the taxi had a collision in which We fractured Our knee bone and suffered great pain. We were in such pain that several in the party pleaded with Us to abandon the broadcast and retum home. We refused, however, to go back before We had fulfilled Our objective, and, enduring the pain, We continued Our trip to the radio station. There We delivered the speech expected of Us. Soon after We fini shed the program, We telephoned a physician living in a district known as Harley Street to get treatment, but We were told that he was not at home. Then We telephoned to the home of Our friend Sir Sydney Barton,107 but no one was there either. Sir Sydney Barton had been the British Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Ethiopia before the Italian invasion. He worked relentlessly to make the problems and hardships We faced a matter of great concem for the British govemment and exerted much effort to get the Foreign Office to help Us. While still suffering from the pain of the accident, We left the radio station for The Hospital for Sick Children on Great Ormond Street, where Our daughter Princess Tsehai108 was practicing nursing. The hospital had earlier invited Us to celebrate Christmas with them, and so as to delight Our daughter and honor the invitation, We endured the pain and attended the party.
The full text of the speech We broadcast that day to the American people was as follows:
HIM suite(Chapter 7)
him (chapter 8) CHAPTER 8 MUSSOLINI'S THREAT TO THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA --CHANGING BRITISH POLICY REGARDING THE ETHIOPIAN AFFAIR -- THE GENERAL COMMENTS WE GAVE TO A DAILY NEWS REPORTER The Italians worried that the straits leading into and out of the Mediterranean sea might fall under the control of Britain and France. Afraid that in the event of a war these democratic countries would close the straits and block Italy's shipping, Rome sought equal status in the control over the Mediterranean sea. She consequently supported...[General Francisco Franco] in Spain, providing him with weapons and men and by conducting some clandestine operations. If Italy gained some kind of authority over the entrances into the Mediterranean...the larger democratic governments would feel threatened by a possible blockade in the event of a war, as the sea was the only [easy] passage to their Asian and African colonies. Hence they were forced to oppose Italy in their own interests. Nevertheless, in order to avoid war... [Neville] Chamberlainl and Mr. Mussolini began a correspondence to come to reconciliation at the expense of Ethiopia. The British govemment suggested to Mussolini that it would recognize his cIaim to Ethiopia if he stopped supporting Spain, which Mussolini rejected. Mussolini used force to find his way out of the intricate situation and to alleviate his problems. His...submarines...harrassed ships moving about on the sea. [Britain and France] understood [his goals] and called Mussolini to a meeting in Nyon [on September 1O, 1937] to achieve some kind of rapprochement; but, in the meantime, the Russians charged that Italian "acts of piracy are responsible for the sinking of our ships and we demand compensation." Mussolini's reply was that he would "not come to Nyon as a litigant." Nevertheless other governments, excepting Italy and Germany, met [at Nyon] for discussions and agreed that French and British warships would safeguard the Mediterranean Sea; and...that any submarine that attacked ships...[there might] be sunk in retaliation. They also decided that Italy should secure her own coastal waters and notified her of their decision. Italy on her part rejected the resolution on the grounds that she should be made an equal partner in safeguarding the whole of the Mediterranean...Italy felt encircled and her movements restrained. Mussolini, therefore, went to meet Hitler to discuss future plans with the German government. After his return from his trip he transmitted the following speech to the British people: Italy is an island molded out of the Mediterranean Sea. I am addressing this subject to the British public who are listening to us on the radio. The Mediterranean Sea is not only a seaway for the British, but also the shortest route to her colonial territories in the area. When an Italian called [Luigi] Negrelli first thought of the idea of digging the Suez canal, it was the British who considered him crazy. If this seaway is a highway for others, for Italians it is our lifeline. I repeat a hundred times, that we have no intentions of blocking this seaway. We ask that our...interest, to which we are entitled, be safeguarded. It is necessary that...reasonable Englishmen should understand that this position of ours is firm and inalterable. It is wrong to think that the two countries or the European powers are going to clash over this. ln any case, there is one way in which we can come to an agreement. It would be in the interest of all of us to reach a genuine agreement immediately. If this is not done, and there is a desire to deny the Italians access to the sea that once belonged to the Romans, the people of Italy wouId stand united and wholeheartedly prepare for a \var unprecedented in recorded history. . . . After this the political situation in England began changing, shifting, and taking new directions. Mr. Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister since Feb. 1930 [E.C. or 1937], began preaching to the British public, emphasizing the necessity of concluding a peace treaty with Italy. Some disagreements arose between the Prime Minister Mr. Chamberlain and the Foreign office Secretary Mr. Anthony Eden, with regard to the relations between Britain and countries governed by dictators. This [divergence] resulted in Mr. Anthony Eden's resignation [on Feb. 20, 1938]...caused over the question of whether or not it was an appropriate moment to undertake negotiations in order to reach an agreement between Great Britain and Italy. Mr. Chamberlain was in favor of immediate rapprochement, while Mr. Eden's views were very far from this position. After concluding an agreement with Italy ending the Spanish civil war, Chamberlain openly announced that he would take the Ethiopian issue to the Council of the League for a debate. Consequently, We dispatched the following telegram to the General Secretary of the League of Nations indicating that We would be sending envoys in order to discuss Ethiopia's case from a position of equality : I understand that the Ethiopian case will be on the agenda of the May meeting of Council of the League of Nations. As indicated in the League of Nation's charter, any member, even though not a member of the council, has the right to be present during council discussions when the meeting has to do with the country in question. Therefore for the benefit of my gallant people who are fighling for their freedom, I soon will notify you of the names of the Ethiopian representatives authorized to discuss Ethiopia's case both at the council meeting and al the general assembly. There were rumors coming from [all] directions that the rapprochement between Chamberlain and Mussolini was intended to hand over Ethiopia to the invaders. ln order to clarify the situation, we issued the following statement from Bath on April IOth, 1938: If, as some sources have indicated, the British govemment's letter to the Secretary General of the League was sent to ease the League's obligations that binds member nations so as to grant recognition to the Italian occupation, We oppose the decision in its entirety. It should be known thal this decision has no connection whatsoever with the basic charter of the League, particularly wilh the resolulion approved by all members and passed by the General Assembly in July 1936 prohibiting the granting of recognition to a country occupied by force. Next, since We had determined to appear at the council meeting, several politicians offered their opinions on the matter. For example while the Manchester Guardian newspaper remarked that, "the presence of the Emperor at the meeting again will probably create an amazing drama," the Daily Express on its part stated, "The Emperor has demonstrated in many ways that he would push his case and fight for it up to the last minute; the present decision to appear at the assembly will be another testimony to that effect. After this, the British delegation headed by Lord Halifax held an urgent meeting and decided that "the presence of the Ethiopian representatives at the assembly is appropriate and rightful." The reason why it reached this decision, as far as We understood it, was that the British public was not then supportive of the aim of its government. ------------------------------------------------ Earlier, in response to questions posed to Us by the Daily Mail reporter called G. Ward Priee, We had explained in detail the unswerving confidence We had in the League of Nations. The reporter's aim was to confirm...[Our] confidence in the League of Nations...notwithstanding Our failure to reach agreement [with Italy]...We replied as follows: I have always taught and explained to my people the benefits of accepting Western Civilization as it is or with some modifications. Moreover, I have emphasized that becoming a member of a farnily entails the responsibility of respecting the rules and regulations of the farnily; and if these are properly pursued, one should be entitled to the benefits that the shared membership brings. I leave to your judgment as to whether the fatal luck that has befallen my people attests to the instruction I have given my people. I made an effort to explain this belief to my people because I, as an individual, had full confidence in the League of Nations. A conspicuous proof of this is that I had not prepared any alternative course, as I should have, in case the League failed to save me. After We submitted to the League of Nations the full evidence of Italy's military preparations to invade Ethiopia, We foolishly thought that We would receive the guarantee of freedom and unity that the League was supposed to give all its members. Nevertheless my own trust in the League did not vanish. We continued to believe in what an American president had said, 'We have learned that We can secure victory by helping each other': and that support would grow as time passed. I have observed that all those who stood up for the principle of non-violation of written agreements, were prepared to put this belief into practice. The reporter again asked, "During your long ordeal, has the British government encouraged you in any way?" We answered that "as a member of the League of Nations, Great Britain has strengthened my belief in the League but, beyond this, has not given me any help." Again he asked: "The situation in Ethiopia has aggrieved Your Majesty If Your Majesty advised those who, up to now, have not submitted to the enemy, to yield, would it not save them from further agony?" We answered, "Do you think that a people who have had three thousand years of independence would give it up so easily?" He asked again, "how much will the resistance and refusal to accept Italy contribute toward victory?" We answered ail his questions, saying, "Many war leaders ready to defend Ethiopia's independence have emerged. We have the means of communicating with them...We receive information on the general situation and events in the country." On March 8, 1938 talks were started between the governments of Italy and Great Britain in order to solve long-standing problems and to establish the relationship between the two countries on a lasting basis. The talks went on throughout March to the beginning of April. At their end...the Egyptian [Foreign] Minister arrived in Rome...[and] was assured that no agreement that would affect [his]...govemment would be concluded during the talks. These talks led up to the agreement which was signed between the two countries on April 16, 1938...and was written in English and ltalian. The two versions were validated and put into force. The agreement stipulated and delineated the trade interest areas between British colonies and the area called Italian East Africa. Merci de votre visite !
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